UNIVERSAL HOUSING VOUCHERS
“Unfortunately, there’s room for doubt about
this mobility thesis [that universal rent vouchers would help poor people move
to neighborhoods with more affordable housing], even in the stories [Matthew] Desmond tells. Rent burdens compound
his characters’ problems, but the issues run much deeper. A number are addicted
to drugs. Others are mentally or physically impaired. Many failed to finish
high school. One got pregnant at fourteen. It’s reasonable to hope that helping
adults get a place to stay will at least help their children advance, but the
evidence is thin.
“A study last year by Brian A. Jacob of the University
of Michigan, Jens Ludwig of
the University of Chicago, and Max Kapustin examined precisely that
question. In 1997, the Chicago Housing Authority
held a lottery; 18,000 households got vouchers and tens of thousands of
virtually identical households did not. The study found that vouchers ‘had
little if any impact on the education, crime, or health outcomes’ of children.
(Vouchers also reduced the amount their parents worked.) That still leaves a
case for vouchers, but it’s a simpler case than promoting upward mobility: poor
adults and their children should suffer less. There’s a floor beneath which no
one should fall. A safety net that lets three quarters of the needy slip
through simply isn’t a safety net.
“At the same time, we may not yet know how much
vouchers can achieve. Evicted seems to have been completed before
a major study last August [2015] bolstered the case for improved mobility. It
involved Moving to Opportunity, a famous
housing experiment from the 1990s, which gave vouchers to several thousand
families on the condition that they use them to move from high-poverty
neighborhoods to areas less poor, presumably with more jobs and better schools.
Hopes ran high, but for years the results were disappointing. The adults’
mental health and safety improved, but their earnings and employment didn’t,
and their children fared no better in school. The teenage boys who moved had
more delinquency problems than those who stayed behind.
“The new study (by Raj
Chetty, Nathaniel Hendren, and Lawrence
F. Katz, all of Harvard)
examined the long-term outcomes for younger kids, who had more time to benefit
from the new neighborhood. On
average, they were eight when they moved. By their twenties, they earned about
a third more than those who stayed behind, and they were a third more likely to
attend college. Over their lifetime, they stood to earn an additional $300,000.
The girls’ chances of becoming single mothers fell by 26 percent.
“These are huge gains by the standards of
experimental programs—the social policy equivalent of a moonshot. The
researchers don’t know why, especially since in the medium term the kids did no
better in school. One theory for the gains generally is that better
neighborhoods offer more second chances. But the crucial change was getting
away from very poor neighborhoods.”
Jason DeParle, “Kicked Out in America!” a review in the New
York Review (March 10, 2016, pp:25-27) of Evicted: Poverty and Profit in
the American City, by Matthew Desmond.