DAVID
GEFFEN HALL
“Placing a rich person's name on a building in return for a big donation is an established practice in the philanthropy playbook that can be a way to honor a loved one or encourage other donations. While mocked recently as
’Philanthro-me’ and ‘Egonomics’ by social commentators, money-for-naming transactions can be mutually beneficial. Benefactors get their name in history books - or at least on Google Maps - and recipients get cash infusions for pressing projects.
“For
instance, New York's Lincoln Center received $100 million toward massive renovations for Avery
Fisher Hall from [David] Geffen in a deal
that renamed the venue to David Geffen Hall. But that happened onlyafter Lincoln Center paid $15 million to the family of Fisher, a philanthropist who died in 1994, to clear the way to the renaming. “Geffen's gift was lauded as transformative by Lincoln Center administrators and elsewhere criticized as self-aggrandizing.”
Associated Press. Michael Hill, “The Rich Give, and Get Grief,” as
printed in the Bloomsburg (PA) Press-Enterprise, pp: 25 and 28,
January 27, 2016.
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Saturday, March 5, 2016
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GEFFEN
GIVES $100 MILLION TO CREATE GEFFEN ACADEMY
“Media mogul [David] Geffen has been accused of a bit of each after two recent gifts, including $100 million to create the
Geffen Academy at UCLA to serve the children of faculty, among others. The gift- aimed in part at attracting top talent to the college and its medical school, which is named for Geffen - has generated critical headlines like this one in L.A. Weekly: ‘Let's All Watch David Geffen Light His Money on Fire.’"
Associated Press. Michael Hill, “The Rich Give, and Get Grief,”
printed in the Bloomsburg (PA) Press-Enterprise, pp: 25 and 28, January 27,
2016.
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EFFECTS OF BIG MONEY ON COLLEGES AND
UNIVERSITIES
“ . . the influence
of big money on campus extends
far beyond disclosure
forms, with
banks,
corporations, and entrepreneurs setting up chairs and institutes that apparently are intended to promote capitalism and free enterprise.
corporations, and entrepreneurs setting up chairs and institutes that apparently are intended to promote capitalism and free enterprise.
“In 2009, for
instance, the billionaire
hedge fund manager John
Paulson gave New York University
$20 million to create both
an Alan Greenspan Chair
in Economics and a John A. Paulson
Professor of Finance and Alternative Investments. In 2010, the Peter G. Peterson Foundation, which is dedicated to reducing government spending and the national debt, gave a three-year $2.45 million grant to Columbia University's Teachers College to develop a curriculum "about the fiscal challenges that face the nation," to be distributed free to every high school in the country. The philanthropic arm of BB&T, a financial services company in North Carolina, has given millions to more than sixty colleges and universities to examine the "moral foundations of capitalism" and promote the works of Ayn Rand. What has been the impact of these donations? How much control, if any, do the donors have over what's taught?”
Professor of Finance and Alternative Investments. In 2010, the Peter G. Peterson Foundation, which is dedicated to reducing government spending and the national debt, gave a three-year $2.45 million grant to Columbia University's Teachers College to develop a curriculum "about the fiscal challenges that face the nation," to be distributed free to every high school in the country. The philanthropic arm of BB&T, a financial services company in North Carolina, has given millions to more than sixty colleges and universities to examine the "moral foundations of capitalism" and promote the works of Ayn Rand. What has been the impact of these donations? How much control, if any, do the donors have over what's taught?”
Massing, Michael, ‘How to Cover the One Percent,’ The New
York Review, January 14, 2016, pp: 74-76.
FORTUNE 500 COMPANIES
“Once, Fortune
500 companies
were the bread
and butter of business coverage. Since the
2008 financial collapse,
however, the preoccupation
with Wall Street has pushed these companies aside. As Jesse
Eisinger of ProPublica observed to
me in
an e-mail,
journalists
‘don't adequately
cover how corporations
keep their wages down, treat their employees
in general, fight unions, lobby for their corporate-
needs, arrive at decisions to pay their top executives,
or dominate their markets. We don't hear
about the GM or VW scandals until
after they break. (Once they do, we
get good coverage, but that's
archeology, not detective work.) Where
is the coverage of Boeing. 3M, Du- pont, FedEx or CVS?
Energy? Insurance? Trucking? Construction?’
keep their wages down, treat their employees
in general, fight unions, lobby for their corporate-
needs, arrive at decisions to pay their top executives,
or dominate their markets. We don't hear
about the GM or VW scandals until
after they break. (Once they do, we
get good coverage, but that's
archeology, not detective work.) Where
is the coverage of Boeing. 3M, Du- pont, FedEx or CVS?
Energy? Insurance? Trucking? Construction?’
“ . . . The activities of unions could be examined as well.”
Massing, Michael, ‘How to Cover the One Percent,’ The New
York Review, January 14, 2016, pp: 74-76.
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